Moribund capital in tribal societies

KUMAR SANJAY SINGH

PRIMITIVE accumulation of capital is understood as a process through which capitalist relations of production assert their dominance over pre-capitalist relations of production. It is recognized as the key moment in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe, whereby capitalism first emerged in the agrarian sector and then paved the way for industrialization. That such a near total overwhelming and assimilation of pre-capitalist social formation within capitalism was, very often, not repeated in non-European societies is a function of the distinctive character of the historical forms of capital. Capital penetrated India with British colonialism and imperialism; its completion coincided with the rise of finance capital in the second half of the 19th century.

Lenin defines finance capital as moribund capital; a historical form of capital that grows without liquidating pre-capitalist social formations. Dominance of moribund capital over pre-capitalist social formations is established by mutating the latter to extract cheap labour and products. However, such remittance is ensured only if pre-capitalist social formation is opened for penetration of money. The actions of moribund capital upon Bhil society displays the classical traits of forcible opening of adivasi social formation to enable the penetration of money, and the mutation of its internal structure by pruning those institutions and practices that were an impediment to the penetration of money and consolidation of such relations that aided the penetration of money.

Bhils were opened for exploitation in the medieval period through conquest and the establishment of the chakrani system. This system affixed hereditary services and tributes based on birth which fixed the adivasis in an unequal relationship. In British and post-British India, the modern administrative apparatus was superimposed on this pre-existing chakrani system. Obligation to pay taxes and tribute in cash introduced money in adivasi social formation. The moneylenders entered even in the remote tribal villages resulting in the origin of debt bondage known as Sagri in Rajasthan, Halia in Gujarat, and Naukarya in Madhya Pradesh.

During the British period the penetration of the capital and money-lenders increased manifolds due to their interest in commercialization of agriculture especially, in the 1860-70s, for production of cotton. Inducement of debt was used to encourage cotton production. On the plight of indebtedness, the Dhebar Commission pointed out that, ‘A large number of landless Bhils migrated to nearby towns as labourers. Economic destitution has led some of them to work as bonded labour by which not only they, but the members of their families are pledged to render service until their debts is redeemed.’

Cooperative banks set up to ameliorate indebtedness failed in their objective since procedures for obtaining loans was slow and complicated, securities were demanded which the Bhils were unable to furnish. These banks did not extend loans to meet the expenditures of life and custom, even when such expenditure is a heavy burden on the Bhil adivasi. Thus, the grip of the moneylender amongst the Bhils continues to be strong. The moneylender readily offers loans without complicated paperwork. They maintain personal contacts with the adivasi, speak the local dialect and understand the family and cultural background for the required loans.

Opening of the adivasi social formation had contradictory impact, even as it dispossessed the Bhils, it also tied them to land. Competition over land from the intruders and the increased need of money in the Bhil economy resulted in the shift from food gathering, hunting, and shifting cultivation economy to settled agriculture. In his study on the Bhils of Dangs, Furer Haimendorf has
stated that the Bhils were a tribe of food-gatherers and slash and burn cultivators. Now, however, a majority of Bhils practice settled agriculture.

Dispossession of adivasi land took three principal forms. The first was by military invasion in the medieval period, which pushed the Bhils off their land into forests where land for cultivation is sparse and scarce. The second form was under the British who, propelled by the imperative of commercialization of agriculture and the need for cotton during the period of the American civil war, settled farmers from Maharashtra in the Bhil areas of Rath, Madhya Pradesh. The most contemporary form of dispossession of adivasi land is through a more round-about way of indebtedness.

The state also deploys both formal and non-formal interventions for the continued subordination of adivasi social formation. As a formal measure, in the 1970s, the Maharashtra Cotton Federation was formed, which fixed the cotton prices. However, since the prices were below the prevailing market rates the cotton producers began selling their products in Sendhwa. This resulted in the rise of Sendhwa not only as an A-grade Krishi Upaj Mandi (KUM) but also as a centre for industries based on cotton such as ginning mills and oil pressing mill of cotton seeds.

Similarly, the state promulgated a land enactment in 1960 to prevent land alienation. Under 170(b) of the Revenue Act of the constitution of India adivasi land may not be sold/mortgaged to non-adivasis. Land thus alienated after 1960, would be restored to the adivasi. Such paternalistic measures by the state to secure the rights of the adivasi have, however, resulted in their greater marginalization. Stephen Fuchs blames loopholes in the land enactment of 1960 for the continued transfer of the adivasi land.

To understand the ways in which the Land Enactment of 1960 facilitates alienation of adivasi land it must be read with other policies on the land rights of the adivasi community. Though the enactment is promulgated to safeguard the land rights of the adivasi, it includes certain exceptions. Section 170(b) of the Act states that the land can be alienated if special permission is acquired.

This act is accompanied with two other important legal promulgations. First, on the death of an adivasi his legal heir acquires the title to the land only if the patwari transfers the land in his name. Second, the forest officials have the power to determine whether the land reclaimed from forest for cultivation is valid or not. Under a provision of the Forest Conservation (Amendment) Act of 1988 adivasis could be evicted from forestland. These policies not only establish the control of the state over the land right of the adivasis, but also create the possibility of manipulating the Land Enactment of 1960 thus enabling the continued transfer of adivasi land.

Illegalities, such as manipulation of the mutation records, are used to enable large scale alienation of adivasi land. Since transfer of land from adivasi to non-adivasi is not permitted, land is first transferred to a pliant adivasi thus making the non-adivasi a benami holder of land. In some case then land is mutated to the non-adivasi in lieu of gratification.

Money, that is always scares within the adivasi social formation, becomes the primary medium for relationship and exchange with the dominant social formations and soon replaces the other totemic and symbolic goods as token and markers of ritual exchange within the adivasi community. In 1961 the Dhebar Commission states that bride price in Rajasthan was not less than Rs 300 (Rupees Three Hundred only). For West Nimar a very helpful table was prepared by Bishwa Bandhu Chatterjee demonstrating a secular increase in the quantum of bride price. Once money takes root within the rituals of the adivasi community it also permeates other spheres of economic life as well. In fact, life becomes impossible without money.

Stephen Fuchs indicates that cash becomes necessary in almost every aspect of Bhils life. He identifies four prominent situations in Bhils life that necessarily require money. The first agriculture, money is required to purchase seeds, fertilizer, etc. Second, vagaries associated with agriculture in India such as drought, flood, death of bullocks, etc. Third, weddings, illness, funeral feasts, caste trials, etc. Four, addiction to alcohol that is prevalent amongst the Bhils. Perpetual need for cash and provisions compels the adivasi community to produce crops for the market, viz., wheat, Soya bean, groundnut, cotton, etc.

The increasing importance of production for the market is evident from the use of high yield hybrid seeds and the production of cash crops. The purpose of this shift is to earn the much-needed cash, however, ironically rather than providing the adivasi community with additional cash the shift to production of cash crops increases its dependence on cash. Increased use of hybrid seeds results in greater requirement of fertilizers and water in cultivation. Cost of production shoots up at every stage of production.

Production for market compromises the food sufficiency of the adivasi community. Cultivation of cash crops reduces the acreage under cultivation of subsistence crops. Production of subsistence crops is also adversely affected due to the change in the nature of soil owing to the use of fertilizers and excessive watering of the fields. Consequently, this shift to production for the market only results in enhancing dependence of the adivasi community on the moneylenders. Now an adivasi must borrow to be able to cultivate cash crops. It leads to a particular kind of debt bondage. The moneylender not only charges an exorbitant rate of interest but also compels the debtor adivasi to sell his produce only to the moneylender or his representatives at the mandi.

Insertion of the adivasi community in the market does not lead to its assimilation in capitalism. On the contrary this insertion is very specific whereby the adivasi social formation is locked in a subordinated position with the market based social formations. Market, rather than becoming a space where adivasis are integrated in the money economy, becomes an asymmetrical space, which permits the extraction of cheap labour and products from the adivasi social formation. The adivasis have at best an imperfect insertion in the market whereby every level of the market system is not accessible to them.

More importantly the moneyed interests control the levers of the market and manipulate it in fixing the prices. Asymmetrical pricing in the market is evident in every transaction involving the adivasi and the outsiders. Stephen Fuchs mentions that the merchants buy the farm products of the adivasi at a cheap rate and sell their own merchandise at a higher rate which results in remittance of cheap labour and products from the adivasi social formation.

Land alienation, indebtedness and remittance creates a resource deficit in the adivasi community, compelling it to take recourse to exceptional methods. It attempts to increase its source of income by reclaiming land from forest and taking to seasonal migration. These measures are akin to burning the candle at both ends. Nawad though it increases the acreage under cultivation seriously depletes the availability of forest-based resources that are so crucial for the sustenance an adivasi family. Similarly, migration in the non-agricultural season may gain some additional money for the adivasi family but it also deprives the community of able hands to replenish the resources such as repairing house, agricultural and other tools etc. that are crucial for the economic viability of the adivasi community.

Migration benefits the market based social formations immensely. It opens a supply of cheap labour and offsets the shortage of labour which, if migrant adivasis were not there, could have resulted in hike of wages. The mills of Bankaner, situated in the Dhar district of Maharashtra, face acute labour shortages during October-November, the cotton season, due to short supply of local workers. Labour agents from Bankaner endeavour to direct migration of adivasi labour from Badwani to Bankaner by advancing loans to them in the summer season when the adivasis are faced with a severe financial crunch. These indebted adivasis are under the obligation to migrate to Bankaner to work for the mill owners.

Adivasi labour is cheap because it is seasonal labour. Labour is required in the ginning/spinning mills for only four months in a year. The mill owners rather than appointing a permanent labour force opt for seasonal labour. They have encouraged the development of a temporary labour market, whereby mill owners benefit from the cheap supply of labour without spending for its upkeep. The expenditure for the upkeep of the labour is borne by the adivasi community. Seasonal employment of workers has political benefit as well since this makes formation of trade unions commensurably difficult.

Once adivasi social formation was opened for penetration of money very specific processes were deployed to enable a continuous remittance of resources from the adivasi social formation. The form and feature of these processes are determined by the internal structure of the adivasi social formation. These processes seek to prune those institutions of adivasi social formation that resist remittance of labour and products, and consolidation of those that enable such remittance. One of the logical corollaries of insertion of adivasi community in the market economy is the emergence of stratification in the community. Admittedly, there are some latent asymmetries in the adivasi community, but they were counter-balanced by the mechanism of redistribution. Once the autarky of the adivasi community is broken, this mechanism of redistribution breaks down and the latent asymmetry is actualized.

Amongst the Bhils and its subtribes political power rests with the council of elders that is controlled by the headman. The post of the headman is hereditary. In larger villages every Phalia has its own headman. There are several privileges attached to the post of the headman. The economic and political position of the Patels is consolidated due to the superimposition of modern political structure over that of the adivasi community. Power vested in the hands of the Patels, etc. consolidates and creates the condition of increasing stratification in the adivasi community. Bishwa Bandhu Chatterjee shows differentiation in resource position and emergence of a small section of landless families in the adivasi community and an even smaller section of rich peasants. One of the corollaries of variation in land holding that sharecropping and agrarian labour has emerged in the adivasi community. Incidence of landless labour is even less but exists, landless labour does all kinds of chores.

Stratification has disintegrated the Bhils into various independent groups and subgroups. Furer-Haimendorf has indicated this process of assertion of independent identity by the Meenas. He shows that till as late as the 1921 Census Meenas were mentioned as Bhils, but since then have repudiated that identity.1

The Rajputs married women from the Bhil community that led to the creation of distinct subgroups of Bhilalas, Patalia’s, etc.2 The superior sub-castes, due to their proximity with the Rajput rulers, had the right to exact tribute and levy labour or money rent on the other subgroups. In turn they had to pay tribute to the ruling Rajput rulers called Darbar (royalty or prince). When Allauddin Khalji conquered this area and later during the Mughal rule Muslim officials were posted in the region, some of whom married Bhils, thus creating a new subgroup of Tadvi Bhils. The Muslim subgroups of Tadvi Bhils and Nible reside in those parts of the Satpura range that forms a hedge between the Narmada and the Tapti rivers.3

Asymmetry between the subgroups disrupted the patterns of exchange of products and labour between clans and lineages. With the exaction of tribute and taxes the system of exchange as reciprocity, the chief basis of all exchange in adivasi social formation, is destroyed. Now the movement of goods and money is unidirectional and obligatory. Exchange of labour is also disrupted. Adivasi social formation maintains the balance of labour supply through exchange
of nubile women, adoption, and birth control. Reciprocal exchange of women, one of the chief ways of maintaining reciprocal exchange of the labour force, gets disrupted with the emerging asymmetry amongst the Bhils and its subgroups. The Bhilalas do not admit the Barela and Bhil women in their group. If a Barela man brings a Bhil wife, he can be excommunicated until he leaves his Bhil wife.

Asymmetry in bridal exchange emerges even within the different clans of a subgroup. Amongst the Bhilalas an unequal marital exchange exists between the Bhilalas of Nimar and
that of Rath. Women from Rath are accepted as brides by the Nimari Bhilalas, but they rarely marry off their daughters to the Rathwas. Similarly, the Baria Bhilalas of Mathwar, South of Alirajpur, rarely marry into Rath.

Unequal access to resources is created amongst the Bhils and its subgroups. Lok Nath Soni’s study of Bhilkhera village of Khargone suggests that Bhilala have the maximum resources under their command. They are followed by Barelas, the position of the Bhils is the most precarious. Uneven access to resources has resulted in declining demographic growth rate of the Bhils. Slow demographic growth the Bhils is a result of the decreased capacity of the Bhils to sustain large families. The AIBAS data shows the average family size for Bhils of Madhya Pradesh in the year 1981 was five while that of the Bhilalas was six.4 Since there is a correlation between average family size and demographic growth it appears that the decline in the demographic growth of the Bhils vis-à-vis the Bhilalas and the Barelas is a result of its precarious access to resources.

In contrast to the aforementioned weakening of institutions of collective labour, redistribution of resources and reciprocity in exchange, there is a consolidation of the position of the elders and of the kinship structure. Consolidation of kinship is mandatory for the functioning of rotating seasonal migration. If the kinship structure were to break up seasonal migration will become non-remunerative, and capitalism will be burdened with both wages and cost of maintenance of workers.

Kinship proves to be one of the leavers for penetration of cash in the adivasi community. This is best elucidated by the rituals of marriage where cash has become the pre-dominant form of bride price. Once the marriage proposal is accepted bride price is in the sole custody of the father of the bride. Thus, gerontocracy, which is at the apex of kinship, gains from penetration of cash. By enabling cash to take root with the adivasi community kinship becomes an aid rather than obstacle to the capitalist social formation; thus, its consolidation.

From the above account of forms and impact of the exploitation on the adivasi community we can briefly summarize the dialectics of transformation and consolidation of adivasi community. Bhil society was opened with the impact of invasions in the early medieval period and later under capitalism, inaugurated under British imperialism. This opening up led to the mutation of its internal structures; lateral filiations within the adivasi social formation were either disrupted or weakened, while horizontal filiations of tribal society – the structure of kinship were consolidated.

Footnotes:

1. C. Von Furer-Haimendorf, ‘Foreword’, in T.B. Naik, The Bhils, A Study. Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh, Delhi, 1956, p. 6.

2. A.M. Shah and R.A.G. Shroff, ‘The Vahivanca Barots of Gujarat: A Caste of Genealogists and Mythographers’, Journal of American Folklore 71, 1958, p. 258; R.E. Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Bombay. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1920. J.K. Doshi, Social Structure and Cultural Change in a Bhil Village. New Heights (Rainbow Book Company), Delhi, 1974, p. 6; S.C. Varma, The Bhil Kills. 1908. Banasthali, Delhi, 1978, p. 6.

3. M.K.A. Siddiqui, ‘Islamization Among the Tribes of Central and Western India’, Bulletin of the Anthropological Survey of India 25(3&4), pp. 46-72.

4. K.S. Singh, India’s Communities. Anthropological Survey of India, Delhi, 1998, pp. 431, 434.