Witch-hunting in India

TODAY, more than ever, there is need to highlight and address issues that usually do not get enough attention in the popular discourse or by law enforcement agencies. Witch-hunting merits attention in how exclusionary practices are etched to stigmatize people and force them with inhuman consequences. This paper, however, is about the gruesome practice carried on by people who practice a certain kind of craft. We merit witchcraft or we do not. In no case any practice by people gives a group the right to redress with violence. Witch-hunting is happening even today and we must deliberate about it to end this horrific practice.

As a cultural practice, it has been found in almost all existent communities of the globe and has been validated by evidence emanating from the Old Testament, New Testament, Protestant culture, Babylonian societies, Hebrew Bible, Jewish culture, Islam, Hinduism and almost all the documented indigenous communities of the globe. Geographically also, witch-hunting has been omnipresent, as evidently marked by documentations, paintings and other testimonies emanating from African, American, European, Middle East, South Asian and Island nations.1

Amidst its global footprint, the practice of hunting witches has been prevalent in India as well, especially among the rural and relatively isolated precincts, which also happen to be the abode of indigenous and tribal people.2 It is widely believed that the witches, who are mostly females, manipulate the perceived evil supernatural powers to cause detrimental and inauspicious events (like destruction of crops, ill health of villagers, disease of animals, death of nearby residents especially children and male members etc.). The culpability for anything bad is written off upon her and thereafter she is subjected to mass anguish and outrage – often leading to adverse inhuman treatment, comprising of ostracizing, banishment, hounding, rape, burning alive and even execution.This traditional customary practice of ‘weeding-out’ the cause of perceived evil, has led to killing of over 2694 in India between 2001 and 2018.3

Dismemberment of these numbers, reveal that prominence of such incidences, have been rampantly protuberant in the states of Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal.4 These are numbers which have been officially logged in. The unrecorded ones are anticipated to be far more than this number. Furthermore, these figures include only those instances wherein the ‘witche(s)’ were killed. Cases of torchers directed against women, often including gross violation of human rights, including thrashing, naked parading, balding, flogging, excreta eating, insertion of sharp things in anus/vagina, burning, chopping off body parts, rape, or any other form of violence (other than murder of the alleged witches), have been completely left out in these figures. Hence, these numbers are just the tip of the iceberg. The real scenario is more gruesome than what is being projected through these figures.

These varied forms of violence involving gruesome acts of maltreatment and eventually murdering of people, are among the least acceptable standard of behaviour in any human community. It infringes a whole range of regional, national as well as international laws. Furthermore, agencies working for preventing witch-hunting have been relatively less successful in preventing such acts. The number of cases registered with police under various sections of existing laws, judgments delivered by courts, initiatives by governmental and non-governmental agencies, and overall policies of government for countering witch-hunting, have made very insignificant contribution towards changing the mindset of people for banishing this practice, due to which it still continues to exist.

In communities where witch-hunting practices are rampant, it is profoundly believed that witches use magical powers to attack the fertility capacity of humans, cause harm to domestic animals, destroy crops, fly through night to engage in cannibalism, incestuous acts, assume animal form etc. They are usually perceived to cause misfortune, sickness, and even death by casting an ‘evil eye’.5 Due to such deleterious capabilities, witches are considered as a threat to community members and are often looked upon with fear and suspicion.

In instances of unsolicited events which are not considered to be natural, things take a radical turn and accusations are levelled upon witches. Usually, it begins with some preexisting animosity between neighbours or closely residing relatives. From here the process of social construction of witch is triggered. In most cases neighbours, relatives and acquainted people are the ones who spread this word. This defamatory narrative building plays a significant role in congregating support against the perceived witch, thereby creating an atmosphere of anxiety, where people actually start believing that the cause of unfortunate events is vested in supernatural powers controlled by witches.

Veracity of the rumoured women being a witch is confirmed by local sorcerer or sorceress, by adopting ‘certain’ methods of identification. If affirmed, a state of anxiousness is generated, which then translates into collective anger directed against the suspect. In such situations, the position of witch is similar to that of a community criminal. If the extent of damage is less, the alleged witch is forced to consume urine/excreta and is forcefully wandered around the village with garland of shoes and damaged winnowing baskets, for making residents aware about the witch. These humiliations act as warning, both for the alleged witch, as well as on lookers for desisting from such practices. However, if the magnitude of loss is more, it leads to witch-hunting. In this sequence of events, there are certain customary acts which are conspicuously executed.

In most instances, killings are performed during night hours, when the alleged witch is jolted from sleep. It is assumed that killing during untimely hours would restrict her from invoking supernatural powers, which otherwise would protect her, and make the killing insurmountable. Also, since the witch is armed with supernatural powers, the entire community lends support in eliminating the evil. Regarding plurality of gender participation, women are equally participating and ruthless. The name of fellow tribals uttered by a witch, during thrashing and hitting, are also considered as partners in crime, and subjected to similar terminal treatment.

Killing the woman alone does not completely omit the influence of her deleterious powers. It is presumed that she hands them over to other members of her family. Hence, during instances of hunting, family members of alleged witches are also murdered for preventing the spread of residual influence. After hunting, people rejoice that they have killed the culpable individual/s, and now anything bad, shall not happen in the community. This public action of mob lynching is considered to be an act of social cleansing carried out for public welfare, and so there is no remorse about killing their own community mate. This rationality delivers the morality for accepting witch-hunting as a justified act within the community.

Apart from lynching, there are several excommunications and exclusions, which are often faced by alleged witches. Community members do not call them on occasions like birth, marriage, or socio-religious events – fearing their negative influence on the auspicious occasion. They are reluctant in socializing with them and very often abstain from consuming food prepared at their home. People also desist their children to socialize with them, or their children. Alleged witches, after affirmation by witch doctors, are also ousted from the community and forced to build their home outside the village vicinity. The associated stigma is so prominent that anyone who defends the witch, or dares to stand up for her, is also considered an enemy of the community, and must face the community’s annoyance. In short, there is no sympathy for witches.

In instances of witch-hunting, the notion of ‘victim’ and ‘perpetrator’ is quite bewildering, i.e. who is the victim and who is the perpetrator does not come out very clearly. In fact, the cognition of victim and perpetrator is quite antagonistic among the ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’. Here ‘insiders’ include the people who live in the village/community/society/place, where the incidence of witch-hunting takes place; whereas ‘outsiders’ are those, who are unknown to the accused witch and are not the residents of the concerned place.

For ‘insiders’, one who brings harm to the community is the ‘perpetrator’ and the person who suffers the brunt is the ‘victim’. By this analogy, the accused witch is the ‘perpetrator’ and the individual(s) who are inflicted with ill-effects of the evil powers of the witch, is/are the ‘victim’. To curb the cause of the misfortune and to prevent any further damage, the ‘insiders’ resolve to excommunicate, oust, or kill the witch. Contrastingly, for the ‘outsiders’, the witch who has been excommunicated, ousted or killed is seen as the ‘victim’ and the people (the insiders) who are involved in this act are perceived as ‘perpetrators’.

There are several laws in place ranging from international, national and regional ones, for prevention and elimination of various forms of violence and discrimination against women. A brief of those legislations, obligations, treaties and conventions, which are currently in force, for ensuring the non-occurrence of human rights violation taking place due to witch-hunting in the country, is as follows:

The very basic assumption behind the formulation of specialized anti-witch-hunting laws is flawed. It is just a check-mechanism and should not be taken as sufficient response to the problems originating in the society due to evil practices, irrationality or superstition.6 Such legislations cannot end superstition, provide redressal to victims or inject scientific approach and rationality in the community. These legislations also do not take into account (a) the conditions under which such practices flourish, (b) the gaps in the existing laws, (c) the mode of reporting of cases, (d) the investigation carried after reporting, and (e) the emergent needs of the victims/survivors.

Hence, a more social approach must be adopted than just being strictly legal. Also, a majority of the witch-hunting cases are never taken to the police or court. Even if taken, more than half are dismissed due to factors such as lack of proper investigation, absence of witnesses, minor punishments to the perpetrators or ‘compromise’ between the victim and the perpetrator. Due to these conditions, anti-witch-hunting laws are unable to achieve their desired spirit and purpose for which they were legislated.

In events of witch-hunting, the witch doctors/finders play the crucial role of identifying of witches. Gender conflict, conspiracy against accused women, and faith of women being manipulators of super-natural powers for causing illness in the community – act as crucial factors for selecting women as witches. Apart from this, robbing-off women (especially widows) from her property or settling grudges with the women or her family members are stated as reason for instances of witch-hunting. Apart from these, physical features like old age, hunch back, or weird hair or skin colour are the pivotal considerations, considered in ‘selecting’ the targets.7 However, a close gaze of the geographical positioning of witch-hunts, makes it quite clear that a majority of the cases are reported from places (and communities) which are in an appalling socio-economic condition.

In such delimiting conditions, where there is lack of resources, poverty is rampant and education is in an abysmal state, people tend to develop strong superstitious beliefs and anything bad – like bad crop, diseases, sudden unexplained death of someone, or drying of well etc. – is the work of evil supernatural powers directed by some ‘witch’.8 Thus begins the hunt to locate the person responsible for such misfortunes. Once identified by the witch doctor, action against the alleged ‘witch’ becomes definite, ultimately leading to killing of the witch. The local police, in such instances, book the villagers for committing crime and put them behind bars. Later, the courts also take the same course and declare them guilty.

This raises concerns that when the state actors deal with witch-hunting cases, they neglect the fact that such accusations are a way of coping with the uncertainties of human existence. They concentrate only on coercive measures (like imprisonment and other forms of punishment) for preventing such practices rather than redressing the concerns which give rise to such violence, such as abysmal health services or the lack of land or means of livelihood.

If analysed critically, it becomes evident that the prime causes leading to witch-hunting, are largely entrenched in superstitious institutional practices, economic deprivation, and healthcare concerns. Thus, criminalization of witch-hunting is only one aspect. Other domains also need to be addressed. Police apathy, poor investigation and indifferent prosecution are among the major barriers in providing respite to the victims. Reparative remedies involving compensation, community dialogue, protection, livelihood support, shelter, promise of non-recurrence of violence also needs to be put in place. Awareness programmes cannot deliver until a parallel transformation in the material conditions of the regions and communities, is ensured.

Structural changes guaranteeing accessibility to quality health-care facilities, along with accountable administration, and responsive law enforcement agency, are also pivotal. Unless sufficient attention is paid to these deprivations, neglects and institutional mechanisms, amelioration of witch-hunting shall be a distant dream. Apart from these, betterment of economic conditions coupled with inculcation of scientific temper, and adoption of rationalistic institutional practices, are also of paramount significance in combating witch-hunting. These curative measures can be realized by inducing education as the remedial potion.

Education imparted through critical pedagogical mode, can lead to inculcation of critical consciousness and elimination of blindfold conformity and other parochial tendencies.9 It also supports fostering of informed choices for financial empowerment. These competences bestow education to thrive as powerful agent of social change, and combat agents behind sustained existence of witch-hunting, which are largely grounded on blaming, alleging, and scapegoating. Although substantial economic and visionary efforts will be solicited initially for making it reach to the margins, but once achieved, it will lead to a change in beliefs and culturally induced notions, which lead to witch-hunting.

Footnotes:

1. S. Alam & A. Raj, ‘The Academic Journey of Witchcraft Studies in India’, Man in India 97(21), 2017, pp. 123-138.

2. R.N. Saletore, Indian Witchcraft. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1981, pp. 1-28.

3. NCRB, Crime in India – 2018.National Criminal Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs. https://ncrb.gov.in/en/crime-india-2018-0

4. R.K. Singh, ‘Witch-Hunting: Alive and Kicking’, Women’s Link 17(1), 2011, pp. 16-21.

5. P.C. Joshi, S. Kaushal, S. Katewa & O.M. Devi, ‘Witchcraft Beliefs and Practices Among Oraons’, Studies of Tribes and Tribals 4(2), 2006, pp. 145-149.

6. M. Mehra & A. Agrawal, ‘Witch-Hunting in India? Do We Need Special Laws?’, Economic and Political Weekly 51(13), 26 March 2016.

7. S. Chaudhuri, ‘Women as Easy Scapegoats: Witchcraft Accusations and Women as Targets in Tea Plantations of India’, Violence Against Women 18(10), 2012, pp. 1213-1234. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077801212465155

8. M. Kumari & S. Alam, ‘Ailments and Ethno-Medicinal Practices Among the Kawar Tribals of Jharkhand, India’, Research Reinforcement 5(1), 2017, pp. 118-126.

9. P. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Penguin Books, 1970, p. 87.