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MANY of us keen to see the end of the Narandra Modi-Amit Shah led BJP/NDA regime in the forthcoming 2019 national elections are now finding it increasingly difficult to distinguish between the orientation and strategic choices of both the incumbent and its principal national challenger, the Indian National Congress. Take, for instance, the much publicized claims of the distinction between the BJP’s Hindutva politics and the Congress’s assertion of representing true Hinduism. Commentator Arun Shourie, once described the BJP as ‘Congress plus a cow’, implying that ‘all that really distinguishes the BJP [from the Congress] is its displays of piety, such as reverence for cows.’No longer can this be claimed with any certitude.

The recent arrest of three Muslim residents in Madhya Pradesh, now ruled by the Congress, on suspicion of cow slaughter, by invoking the dreaded National Security Act despite attacking such moves in the past, is indicative. So too is the enthusiasm with which the Congress governments in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have embraced the cow, setting up a ministry for cow welfare with vastly enhanced budgets for cow related schemes.

Despite widespread criticism of the stringent restrictions imposed by the BJP regime on not just ‘food choices’ but on cattle trade, severely damaging farm economy and associated industries like leather, no attempt to withdraw, let alone dilute, the provisions is in sight. Even the fact that stray cattle, left to fend for themselves in public spaces, have become a menace in both rural and urban areas, seems insufficient to impel these governments to initiate corrective steps. Possibly, electoral compulsions dictate public display of faith for fear of being branded as minority appeasers.

To date, in the Congress ruled states, no steps have been initiated to withdraw the arguably false cases launched on those accused of violating the cow laws – a disproportionate number involving Muslims and Dalits. Nor is there any move to increase the number of Muslim candidates, thereby ensuring that the community remains seriously under-represented in the political space. Similarly, the lukewarm, if not contradictory, position taken by the party on the Supreme Court ruling in the Sabarimala case, the support in the Parliament to the citizenship bill though still not law because of disruptions in the Rajya Sabha, can only be understood as fear of offending the sentiments of the Hindu faithful. Evidently on this grid at least, the Sangh-BJP project of creating a majoritarian consensus based on faith in stark contrast to constitutional norms, has gained strength.

Even on issues of institutional autonomy and the ‘misuse’ of state agencies to subserve partisan political agendas, it appears there is a disturbing commonality across the party spectrum. While the BJP is correctly charged for practicing a no holds barred politics, seeking to stack all institutions with party faithful, re-writing rules of appointment and functioning, and deploying them against all those found inconvenient, it is hardly the case that non-BJP parties have been/are markedly different in their respect for institutional autonomy and integrity. The partisan use of central agencies like the CBI, ED, DRI, the proclivity to influence the judiciary, or meddle in institutions of education and culture have long been a common political practice – the only difference being one of degree.

The recent acrimonious stand-off between the CBI, seen as representing the Centre, and the Trinamool Congress over the former’s attempt to ‘interrogate’ the Police Commissioner of Kolkata on his alleged role in the chit fund scams, if not speedily resolved may further dilute any remaining trust that citizens may have in our institutions. With Mamata Banerjee sitting on a dharna to protest against the Centre’s alleged high-handedness in violation of constitutional federalism, going so far as to detain the CBI team, and the Centre painting this as a desperate attempt to protect the guilty and subvert the due process of law, we have entered dangerous territory. Unfortunately, even as both sides claim the high moral ground, there is little concern for the thousands who lost their savings in the scam. In the event no one comes across as unsullied, further eroding the low regard for our political class.

In this no holds barred, no restraints respected, Machiavellian political contestation, both our constitutional norms and democracy stand damaged. Once electoral contests are reduced to a choice, not between competing development agendas – since on most policy matters there is little discernible difference in party manifestos – but who might be worse, the prognosis can only be worrying. As voters we desperately need a clearer articulation of what the different parties stand for and how they propose to fulfil their promises – not what is wrong with the ‘other’. Otherwise the 2019 elections may well result in more of the same.

Harsh Sethi