THE entrenchment of radical Islamic thought or rather the distorted ISIS inspired view of religion in Jammu and Kashmir, is today more clearly palpable than ever before. This is particularly true among the younger generation, especially those between the age group 13 to 25. The traction we see this rigid and vitriolic narrative receiving has translated not only into a discernible and unfortunate decline of the syncretic Kashmiri Islam of the Sufi/Hanafi/Aitqadi ilk, but also generating a strident anti-democracy and anti-India sentiment. The majority of people remain astounded, standing by as scared spectators, while the vocal radicals have taken over the narrative, increasingly winning over adherents.

This radicalization or distortion, as one may have it, is leading to an increasing rejection of democratic and political processes among large sections of the younger populace in the valley, while simultaneously breaking down existing social mores. With the increasing talk of a caliphate or khilafah, the rule of shariah, shahadat and being part of the larger ummah, the political connotations of the Kashmir issue are being completely overtaken by religious jingoism.

The first clear manifestations of a change in mindset were seen in the videos released by Burhan Wani of the Hizbul Mujahideen (before his neutralization) where he spoke of the khilafah and similar videos of his purported successor Zakir Musa, who has made his stand on the Kashmir vis-à-vis Islam question clear by declaring that they are only fighting for the cause of Islam. Musa is now reported to be the chief of the Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind, the claimed Al-Qaeda cell in the valley.

 

Even a cursory analysis of the web based content on social media and messaging services being viewed and circulated in the valley provides ample testimony of the trend. Whether it is the issue of beef eating (never really prevalent in Kashmir), terror attacks – both within and abroad – the spread of jihadi sermons/literature, taranas and the videos of ISIS/Al-Qaeda and so on, are all receiving increasing support. The latter are inspiring even minors to take on the security forces, unarmed, without any fear of death. Those youngsters that join the mobs with just stones in their hands believe they too are on the path of jihad and supporting their brethren.

The sense of belonging that this pan-Islamic radicalization provides holds a tremendous attraction for the young. That this is the solution for Kashmir has sadly taken root with the belief that Pakistan and Pak-based groups are not enough to take on the Indian forces. While Pakistan continues with its attempts to push in terrorists and hardware, a new breed of Kashmiri jihadi are rather using them for what they feel is a larger purpose in the Islamic universe (as perceived by them and their peers).

The pan-Islamist propaganda and the romanticism attached with jihadis is crafting a volatile concoction of orthodox regimentation, intolerance, negativity, violence and anti-India sentiment. The sense of belonging that accompanies this brand of radicalized thought translates into a sense of achievement, thus further attracting the youth of Kashmir and upping the violence quotient. The gunfight in Anantnag on 22 June this year where four so-called Islamic State J&K (ISJK) terrorists were neutralized, is a pointer to the morass some are bent upon further pushing the valley into. The malaise is also spreading to the Muslim majority pockets of the Jammu region, a phenomenon that does not portend well for the future. In the earlier years of trouble in the valley, we saw that the thought process was influenced by political radicalization with shades of religion; however, it is now firmly getting ensconced in radical religious fervour and idiom.

 

The questions, which some may consider absolutely basic, that are on the minds of a large number of us perplexed people in the valley are – When did the change start coming in? Where is it manifesting itself? Is this an offshoot of the Salafi/Wahabi doctrine or a new rabid, distorted, hybrid thought process? How did we miss it? and, Where do we go from here?

While the beginnings of Salafi thought in Kashmir go back nearly a hundred years, the widespread belief in Sufi traditions confined radicals to the fringes, and the region was celebrated as an ideal of syncretic traditions, known as rishi waer or pir waer (the land of rishis and pirs). Change began with the advent of militancy. The induction of Pak-trained and backed jihadis, fresh from their successes against the Russians in Afghanistan, saw not only the appropriation of local sentiment but also a change in the discourse to propagating that the Kashmiri struggle was a continuation of the holy war. Added to this was the hype that a massive army presence would erase Kashmir’s Muslim identity and the only hope lay in joining the jihad and the global community of believers, the ummah.

Whereas a decline in militancy post-2002 should have led to an increase in the liberal space, the opposite happened, i.e. the growth of pan-Islamic radicalization, particularly with the unfettered expansion of organizations professing and propagating the Salafi brand of the religion, alongside an unencumbered flow of funds from the Middle East over the last couple of decades or more. An increased financial assistance was complemented by the education of many in radical seminaries in West Asia.

Kashmiri society saw dramatic changes post militancy. The most apparent casualty was a rupture in familial and societal ties as well as established social mores. While the younger generation in its angst began to reject recognized traditions, particularly Sufi thought, an influx of LeT and JeM from Pakistan also introduced the idea that Sufism was un-Islamic. As a result many of the young are turning towards radical thought for solace, despite the general family belief in Sufi Islam prevalent among the elders.

 

This growth of radical thought in the valley cannot be seen in a vacuum. The locally entrenched discourse perpetuates perceptions that political dissent has been choked, human rights violated, justice denied, religion suppressed, resources looted and so on, has contributed immensely to the phenomenon. The refrain that there will be no respite from the suppression of Kashmiri rights has taken strong roots.

Added to this have been the episodes of 2008 and 2010, the hanging of Afzal Guru in 2013, the propaganda war unleashed against the establishment since 2014, the reluctance of the Mehbooba Mufti dispensation to control mobs in the post-Burhan Wani encounter phase of violence, as well as propagation of the narrative that the youth have been deprived of both political and economic empowerment. These narratives have all had, at one point or another, both religious connotations and religious anchors.

Earlier, one could say that the thought process was influenced by political radicalization with shades of religion; however, it is now firmly ensconced in religious fervour and idiom. For a large segment in Kashmir, today more than yesterday, religion remains a key instrument in furthering their political agenda and seeking a restoration of what they term are Kashmir’s political rights. For this segment steeped in radical thought, secular democratic politics is no longer acceptable. The impact of this creeping radicalization has manifested itself over the last decade plus in almost all spheres and impacted the societal, religious, cultural and political life of the people. As a result, space for the mainstream is slowly shrinking whether in politics or society.

 

The agents of this radicalization have spread their tentacles in the valley, slowly but surely, through intense preaching, increasing their control over mosques, educational institutions/seminaries and attempting to expand influence in universities/colleges. The young have been their primary target. From morning prayers in schools to slogans and sermons in educational institutions, the exhibition of growing rigid religiosity is increasingly becoming evident, with secular education gradually succumbing to the onslaught. Even attire, especially among the young, more so among girls, manifests the effects of what can be termed as Arabization. This phenomenon can also be seen in the fact that most of the younger generation today has forgotten the Kashmiri terms traditionally used for the five times of namaz and use only the Arabic version.

The Kashmir University in Srinagar, which has always been a hub of pro-separatist elements has, however, over the last few years, seen a rise in radical activity. This phenomenon is palpable not only amongst students but also the employees, with many in the faculty playing the role of catalysts. Fundamentalist organizations are openly visible. This malaise has spread to other institutions of higher education too. A namaz-e-janaza for dead militants has become the norm rather than an exception.

 

Today, the greater spread of education is working as a double-edged sword. At one level it has created a mass of people who are more willing to understand, respect and coexist. At the other, a greater exposure to global developments, primarily those in the Middle East, is evoking sentiments of radicalization and aversion to peaceful coexistence with other religions, pushing people further towards pan-Islamism. The discourse on alleged atrocities committed on Muslims around the world by America and its allies like Israel and the European nations has begun to acquire a serious resonance in Kashmir.

Coupled with the spread of radicalized thought has been a growing disillusionment with the traditional one that follows the Sufi/Aitqadi lineage. Imams of Sufi shrines have over the years begun to be percieved as involved in ‘worldly matters and lacking discipline and knowledge’. The radical thought process not only rejects the Sufi or Aitqadi way, considering shrines/tombs to be expressions of idol worship, but also professes to work towards eradicating this ‘evil’. Mosques, which in Kashmir were traditionally influenced by Sufi/Hanafi thought are increasingly being taken over by Salafi/Wahabi ideologues. This is happening not only in the countryside, but in the old city of Srinagar, which was once considered a Hanafi bastion as well. Although this transition does not necessarily mean outright radicalization, it creates space for a transformation that over time may lead to the growth of radicalization – religious, social, cultural and political.

Growing religiosity in J&K is sadly not leading to increasing piety, which would be a plus for any society, but along with radical pan-Islamist propaganda available on the web and the romanticization of terror outfits like ISIS and Al-Qaeda, crafting a volatile concoction of orthodox regimentation, intolerance, negativity and anti-establishment sentiment.

 

The erosion of traditional Islamic thought is not the only visible expression of this radicalization; the emerging intolerance towards Shias, including in Muharram processions and incipient Shia-Sunni tensions is another pointer to the future. This is now a standard feature of radicalization in Islamic societies all over the word, including Pakistan and Afghanistan. Mosques in the valley are now exclusivist, i.e. only followers of a particular thought pray together. The mosque as a societal centre is dying. The older and the younger generation woefully now pray in different mosques.

The perceptions of neglect and discrimination that the three regions of the state – Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh – continue to nurse vis-à-vis each other, have played a negative role. This has served to worsen both regional and religious divides. One of the spin-offs has been religious radicalization and the creation of political or religious platforms that share a common aversion to accommodation and inclusiveness.

The Kashmiri Pandit community was always seen as tolerant and accommodating by those in the valley. However, post the 1990 migration, any talk of exclusive zones for rehabilitating the Pandits elicits a radical response from Islamist groups. This gives them an opportunity to draw parallels with Palestine, hyping the issue so that it increasingly acquires relevant religious overtones on international platforms, while at the same time playing up the bogey of demographic change. An added factor is that the generations born after the Pandits left have no idea of what it once was to live together as one.

 

No discussion on the growing radicalization/Islamization in the valley can proceed without a closer look at the role of cyber activity which has emerged as a major contributor to the phenomenon, exacerbating all the aspects of the environment mentioned earlier. Apart from the reality that people in Kashmir have few avenues to expend energies, the easily accessible and inexpensive availability of Internet on smartphones has made it a major vehicle for information, entertainment and communication.

A large segment of cyber activity in Kashmir points to an inclination towards rigidly orthodox radical thought. Since cyber space is a one-way platform, without any scrutiny, some of the content being bandied about not only supports pan-Islamic terrorism, but also encourages an inclination to join such outfits. Comments full of hate, morphed photographs and false propaganda provoke and mislead. Jihadi material is freely available, leading to an increased romanticization of terrorists and their ideology across the globe. Whenever news of encounters comes up on even a neutral entity, the outpouring of support for the militants in the name of religion and the resultant vitriol is overwhelming.

The sense of belonging that pan-Islamic radicalization provides is visible on social media. The belief that pan-Islamism is the solution for Kashmir is taking root with chatter that local and Pakistani militant groups are not strong enough to deal with the Indian security forces. Since the inception of ISIS, its videos and news have become a talking point on social media. The first talk of ‘ISJK’ or ‘Khilafah in Jammu and Kashmir’ has appeared on social media.

While multifarious factors can be attributed to the growth of Islamic radicalization in Kashmir, and depending on which side of the fence one belongs, different entities can be held responsible for the phenomenon. The current negativity/despondency in the social, political and economic environment is also contributing to disenchantment with the established order. The growing perception is that there is nothing on the horizon to stir the imagination of the youth; there is nobody to engage with the youth on the platforms that they use and understand.

 

Globalization and the information revolution have amplified the aspirations of today’s young Kashmiri, who does not see an outlet for their aspirations. The resultant trend is to turn towards political Islam or the pan-Islamic movement, which is essentially Salafi/Wahabi or increasingly ISIS inspired in today’s context. Turning towards the radical school of thought is unfortunately providing both a sense of belonging and a sense of achievement to today’s youth. While some may turn to violence, in words or deeds to varying degrees, others are letting off steam by identifying with the violent exploits of others.

As articulated above, the Kashmiri is disillusioned and alienated because of a perceived denial of political and economic empowerment, a growing unemployed youth bulge, alleged excesses by security forces, a fear of losing their unique religious identity, frequent strikes leading to long confinement, crumbling infrastructure, perceived neglect and unhealthy competition with the other two regions, and one can go on. The entire atmosphere over the years has become one of ‘us versus them’, which has been successfully exploited by fundamentalist organizations to spread their radical net.

 

An effective and articulated counter-narrative, in either religious, political, intellectual, cultural or societal terms, to the radical religious discourse being defined and spread has yet to emerge. If the current trend continues unabated and unchallenged, the process of radicalization will continue unfettered, finally overwhelming the silent minority.

The radical entities have taken advantage of the inefficiency and indifference of some key elements which can counter their narrative; for example, the established religious orders, intellectuals, academics, the Wakf Board, cultural academies and political entities. Even at this stage none of these entities seem willing to either accept the problem or formulate a strategy or policy to present a counter to the exclusivist religious discourse. Moderate voices in civil society generally do not openly confront the radicals due to various factors, including fear of physical harm. This has only emboldened the radicals to occupy more space in public discourse that is disproportionate to their actual numbers in society.

Similarly, the lack of a quality counter-narrative in cyber space has created asymmetry in the discourse, and radical forces will continue to leverage this to the maximum until a credible counter-narrative is available in the virtual world as well.

The moot question on the lips of most in the valley today is – where do we go from here and what steps can we take to produce a counter-narrative to the growing distortion of religious thought? There are steps that can be taken in the religious, educational, cultural, social and economic spheres, concentrating mainly on the youth. The thrust will have to be ‘engagement’. While the state and central governments are expected to lead the way, civil society – rather all stakeholders – will need to play a major role if they want our land to return to any semblance of lasting peace. The role of society stakeholders needs to be understood in the context that any aggressive footprint of the establishment in such measures immediately leads to vested interests getting together to discredit the initiative.

 

On the religious front, there is a need for the various streams of traditional religious thought that are prevalent in the valley to come together. Even today, while they command a sizeable following, they are neither connected, nor vocal, nor organized. A revival of Kashmiriyat through rational arguments is an imperative. The extremist religious discourse can best be answered by countering the distorted point of view that is being propagated in the correct religious idiom itself. Attention possibly needs to be paid to reorganize as well as revitalize the Auqaf (Wakf) so that it again becomes a credible entity in religious affairs.

Socially and culturally, Kashmir lost its unique sense of pluralism with the exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits. The values and cultural history that existed needs rebuilding from within society. The historical tradition of music and theatre, which is slowly being extinguished by radical elements, needs attention. While some efforts at restoring this aspect have been successfully taken by individual organizations, the process needs encouragement. As the radicalization discourse is affecting young minds beginning from the ages of 10 upwards, the education sector needs to play a proactive role to change the narrative. A segment of Kashmiri history needs to be introduced in the middle level classes to counter the growing Arabization.

 

A major concern of every young Kashmiri today is the lack of economic opportunities, adding to their frustration on the one hand and those of their families on the other. At this juncture, the creation of jobs, within and without the state, both through governmental and corporate initiative, would provide hope that a window of opportunity is available for their aspirations, adding a positive dimension to an increasingly negative discourse. Similarly, a boost for traditional Kashmiri industries like horticulture, leather, woollen manufacturing, joinery, handicraft as well as the introduction of large-scale floriculture, fishery and animal husbandry is a path that needs to be pursued, given that the state has both the geographical conditions and raw materials for these. The perception that levels of difficulty for disbursement of loans in the state are higher than in other parts of the country needs to be countered.

In the end one can only say that we, the stakeholders of society in J&K, need to reawaken and stand together, with or without the support of the establishment and find our voice. This we will have to do, for not only our survival but to once again live in peace in our heaven on earth.