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FOR what might conceivably turn out to be his final speech from the ramparts of the Red Fort, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s effort was, arguably, somewhat underwhelming. More so if one recollects his maiden performance in 2014. At the time, buoyed by his rather spectacular performance in the national elections, he came across as a leader, a politician keen to move beyond the bruising divides of an acrimonious election, looking more to the future than the past, resolved to build on the positives of the previous years and fulfil the desire for change characteristic of a ‘young and aspiring’ India rather than harp on the disappointments symptomised by the earlier regime. From a promise to take all along – sabka saath sabka vikas – to highlighting societal, not politically partisan, issues like eliminating open air defecation, Narendra Modi, even to his detractors, epitomized hope and promise.

Four and a half years on, he seems to have missed a step. Despite the expected rhetorical flourish and the creative use of poetry, we encountered a somewhat tired and worried politician preoccupied with the coming elections. The laboured criticism of the UPA regime – its policy paralysis, inability to counter nepotism or combat corruption, absence of a decisive leadership, and so on – sounded more like he was still battling the ‘perfidies’ of the past than building on what he had been able to achieve. Possibly this is why his claims about what his government had managed to do as evidence of its resolve and energy, failed to sufficiently convince. The ‘master politician’ failed to grasp that a statistical listing of achievements, to be convincing, needs to be in sync with the lived experience of people. However, with multiple surveys capturing the growing unease over continuing joblessness, increased cost of living and no discernible up tick in growth and investment, claims to the contrary rarely fly.

Unsurprisingly, the prime minister’s speech deftly evaded commenting on the disturbing increase in hate infused mob violence, often directed against socially, ethnically and religiously marginalized groups. Even as he spent considerable time over the worrying crimes against women, mainly cases of rape, and made much about having instituted more stringent punishment for perpetrators, he made no reference to the increased incidence of violence against women in the name of curbing ‘love jihad’ or in the anti-Romeo vigilantism by groups associated with his party. And of course, nothing about the depredations of the gau rakshaks, despite severe admonishment by the Supreme Court. Yet one more reason why Narendra Modi’s recurrent invocation of the legacy of Ambedkar and Gandhi appear hollow, if not specious. As does his use of the late Atal ji’s slogan of ‘insaniyat, jamhooriyat and Kashmiriyat’ as indicative of his government’s orientation towards the troubled Kashmir Valley.

But nothing is more worrying than the constant effort of the prime minister to turn the spotlight on himself – as the selfless, tireless change agent. Even those who accept that Narendra Modi is his party’s biggest asset, remain concerned that this somewhat narcissistic focus on the self paints all others in his government somewhat poorly, as if he alone carries the burden of governance and epitomizes the hopes of the nation. Evidently, both he and his image makers seem to have forgotten the derision with which the Dev Kant Barooh slogan, ‘Indira is India and India is Indira’, was received.

Obsessively centralizing all power in his person and thereby reducing his colleagues to near ciphers, far from reflecting strength and confidence is paradoxically a sign of insecurity and weakness. Unlike a year back when he seemed unassailable, few today believe that a second term for a Narendra Modi-led regime is a done deal. In part this is because the 2014 elections are seen as a Black Swan event, an unusual conjuncture unlikely to be repeated. And even though, in terms of personal popularity, Mr. Modi for the moment has no credible challengers in the opposition, the same cannot be said of his party. The more significant hurdle in the way of ensuring a second term for this regime is the growing burden of unfulfilled promises, restlessness fuelled by unrealized expectations and a marked deterioration in the social environment, and a growing reluctance of the institutional apparatus, sensing possible change, to as willingly comply with partisan political demands.

As the country braces itself for the forthcoming elections, the overall mood, if not grim is undeniably suffused with uncertainty. And as different political parties gear themselves up for what might well prove a decisive phase in our history as a democratic, secular republic, we as citizens and voters need to prepare ourselves for some difficult days. The much awaited Achche din seem firmly relegated to an ever receding future.

Harsh Sethi