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CLEARLY the strange odyssey of the Aam Aadmi Party – rise, fall, rise again and now, a falling apart, all in a short time – makes for a riveting, though morbid tale. In an era when the credibility of and trust in politicians and political parties stands at an all-time low, to many the AAP came across as a breath of fresh air. The speed at which an ‘anti-corruption and accountability movement’ transmogrified into a political party, managed to garner electoral-political support and even form government, despite the absence of ‘experienced’ politicians or backing of deep-pocket corporate donors, seemed to indicate that even in the murky world of electoral politics, there was still space for idealism. That hope of an ‘alternative politics’ now appears distant.

More experienced political analysts may well point out that such an outcome was only to be expected. After all, trouble had been brewing in the AAP for a long time. Possibly, the unexpected scale of its victory in the Delhi state assembly elections, winning 67 out of 70 seats, pushing even the Narendra Modi-led BJP into oblivion, infused the party leadership with a vastly inflated sense of its power and importance. This, coupled with ‘political and administrative’ inexperience, likely pushed them into making moves that, in retrospect, can only be categorized as suicidal.

Instead of focusing on governance and delivering on promises made to its constituents, a process which demands cooperation and collaboration both with the citizens as also the multiple agencies – local and national – responsible for the National Capital Region, the AAP opted for a maximalist strategy of challenging the constitutional schema governing the state, placing it in direct confrontation with the Union government. Disregarding the fact that the party in power at the Centre also controlled the municipal government was an injudicious move, as most development projects stalled, escalating disaffection amongst citizens.

This is not to minimize the insidious and negative role of the Centre, in large part through the office of the Lieutenant Governor. Everything from legislation to appointments had to run a hurdle course, further aggravating the tension between the two. But none of this should have come as a surprise to the AAP leadership, and they should have been more circumspect both in their rhetoric and actions, at least till the party had acquired greater coherence and consolidated its goodwill among the people by demonstrating better and more inclusive governance.

Equally intriguingly, possibly a result of a misreading of the moment, the AAP chose to expand its political footprint without, as is now evident, due consideration for its organizational preparation. Trapped in its self-generated hype as the new challenger to the BJP, it chose to contest state assembly elections in Punjab and Goa, confident of victory. Unfortunately, even its below par performance did not impel a rethinking of its political rhetoric or strategy. The result – despite being in power in the Delhi state assembly, the AAP failed to dislodge the BJP in the local body elections, notwithstanding the fact that the BJP having controlled the municipal corporations for the last decade was facing severe anti-incumbency. If anything, the BJP significantly improved its tally.

Even as the AAP leadership has promised a return of focus on Delhi and delivering on poll promises, the renewed attack that if faces from its opposition – both the BJP and the Congress – is likely to severely test its mettle as a mature political organization. Hopefully, it will not repeat the errors of the past and genuinely open up the organization to debate, even dissent, in order to strengthen a democratic culture and improve decision making.

Though the primary blame for its current woes rests on the AAP leadership, it is difficult not to be sympathetic with its predicament. Claims to being different, and better, invariably lays one open to more stringent standards of judgement – the bar is set higher. It also generates hostility from those who are sought to be criticized. Not surprisingly, many who earlier promoted AAP as promising now portray it as a threat. Possibly this is why its errors/shortcomings are magnified and its work goes unrecognized – be it reduction in water and electricity bills, improvement in state schools, setting up mohalla clinics and, above all, enabling a sense of citizenship to residents of unauthorized settlements by curbing demolitions and reducing hafta extractions by municipal employees and policemen. Incidentally, the obverse holds true for the BJP.

Parties like AAP need to confront and overcome the paradox of power. To be able to deliver on promises, the party needs not only to survive but also become strong. Far too often, however, in doing so it faces the danger of becoming what it had set out to oppose. How it handles this conundrum will decide its future.

Harsh Sethi