DEVELOPMENT is commonly perceived to be synonymous with urbanization and industrialization. Little surprise that rural India, commonly referred to as Bharat, is considered to be an area where people are forced to lead a life of underdevelopment. In India today, the growing gap between the opportunities in rural areas and urban centres has prompted people to flock to the latter in search of jobs and other opportunities, creating undue pressure on the urban infrastructure. To address this problem A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, the former President, had proposed building an urban infrastructure in rural areas (the PURA scheme) to check this migration. In addition, the GOI has also devised schemes such as Bharat Nirman, MNREGA and JNNURM to ensure a healthy balance in rural-urban development.

When one looks at the inter-state variation in the rate of urbanization, it turns out that the rate of urbanization in Assam is much lower than the all-India average. Yet, despite the low per capita income in Assam, the poverty situation, especially in urban areas, is not as bad as one would expect. Such a scenario is intriguing, more so when the present chief minister speaks about the importance of ‘ruralization’ in Assam. However, not much work has been done to analyze the predominance of rural population in the state. This brief paper advances a few reasons based on observation and some data to explain the situation. There seem to be strong non-economic push and pull factors explaining such a trend. But, given Assam’s diversity, it is important to subject the averages for the state to a hard look before making generalized statements.

 

Though the rural population has declined from 95.4% in 1951 to 86% (2011), the rural-urban population ratio continues to be higher than the Indian average, which was 87% in 1951 and is 69% according to the Census 2011. The density of population in Assam is 397 persons per sq km compared to India’s 382 which, given the pressure on land, would suggest that there should be a higher number of urban centres in the state.

On the eve of Independence, Assam, Manipur and Tripura formed the region that came to be known as the NER. Subsequently, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh were carved out of Assam. What is interesting is that despite a lower density compared to Assam, these other NE states have a higher rate of urbanization. Of course, since these states are really small (for example, Mizoram has a population of just 10.91 lakh according to Census 2011), a comparison is not really valid. Of the larger states, only Bihar has an urban population percentage lower than Assam, even though Bihar’s higher non-primary sector income compared to that of Assam should imply a higher urbanization ratio. Overall, the rural-urban situation in Assam has to be explained with reference to both economic as well as non-economic factors. Two such factors are physical geography and the cultural milieu.

Looking first at the economic factors, we see that the contribution of the primary sector to the GSDP in Assam is high compared to the Indian average while its secondary sector’s contribution is very low. GSDP contributions in 2010-2011 were 28.70% in the primary sector & 16.26% at 04 – 05 prices in the secondary sector’s (Statistical Handbook, Assam, 2011). Currently, the service sector has begun to contribute more than half of the state’s income. Overall, Assam stands out as a state which is more agrarian in nature, with about 75% of the population dependent on agriculture and allied sectors.

 

Though Assam’s per capita income was higher than the all-India average in the 1950s, it has over time slipped and is currently lower than the all-India average and the gap is almost 45%. SDP per capita at current prices was Rs 30,413 in Assam compared to Rs 54,835 in India according to the Economic Survey 2011-12. Paradoxically, the percentage of BPL (below poverty line) population is lower than all India average. Moreover, while urban poverty in Assam is among the lowest in the country, its rural poverty is one of the highest. Is this because only those who have the opportunity tend to stay in urban areas? Simultaneously, we need to ask, why despite the urban-rural differences, so many people still prefer to stay in the rural areas? Interestingly, the social development index also places Assam very high among the states, although individual data for infant mortality, maternal mortality, drinking water, and so on, portray a dismal picture for the state, even in comparison with the other NER states.

The Partition of India substantially damaged the communication links between the NER and the rest of India. The railway connection was disrupted for many years after the Partition and even after many decades, railway facilities remain underdeveloped with the result that most of the goods are transported by truck. A large number of passengers are also forced to fly, making Guwahati one of the busiest airports in the country. The other thriving link, the river transport network, fell into disuse from the beginning of the sixties, further affecting the viability of the secondary sector since the state traditionally had little industry and transporting its primary produce for processing elsewhere became difficult. Historically, the only industries worth the name were plywood, tea, coal and petroleum. In fact, forward linkages from these industries helped Calcutta more than the towns in Assam.

 

Even the agriculture sector suffered as a result of the Partition. Jute is just one example of the mismatch between crop production and processing since most jute factories were located outside the state. The productivity of the various crops in Assam is far lower than in other states, and self-sufficiency seems to be the aim of the farmers. One finds that fertilizer consumption, use of machinery, as also the percentage of irrigated area is very low. The poor quality of marketing infrastructure further compounds the problem. Assam’s soil is fertile and wherever immigrants were brought in under the ‘grow more food campaign’ just before Independence, there is surplus production, creating a marketing problem. Though this has been partially addressed in the case of jute and rice, a consequence of mass protests and even police firing, the absence of marketing facilities for other crops remains a major constraint. Assam is ranked last among the major states in agricultural development (India Today, State of the States Report, September 2010).

Gandhiji believed that India lives in its villages – perhaps because of the large size of the rural population, and the urban areas being far more influenced by developments in the West. Few outside Assam are, however, aware of the great preacher, Mahapurush Sankardeva, whose teachings more than five hundred years ago greatly influenced Assamese society in every sphere of life, from art, literature, music, dance, drama to economic organization of the villages, cluster formation and health and hygiene. Even Mahatma Gandhi and Vinoba Bhave were amazed to see the impact of this great saint on the people. The cleanliness and the comfort that the rural people in Assam enjoy needs to be viewed in this perspective. Even the Ahom kings followed Sankardeva’s preaching to support this rural lifestyle. Consequently, the chieftains like the Hazarikas, Saikias, Barphukans and so on could not own large areas of land, with the result that Assam shows a low concentration in land ownership even now.

 

Mahapurush Sankardeva who propounded the Ek Saran Naam Dharma (a Vaishnavaite religious sect) had a profound influence on Assamese culture: the ubiquitous naamghar in the Assamese village was the centre of worship and community action. With such naamghars set up in every hamlet, the importance of cleanliness, hygiene, civic sense, community living was drilled into the community. Another saint, Azan Fakir, had a similar influence on the people of Assam too, especially the Assamese Muslim population. One, therefore, finds that most Assamese villages, whether Hindu or Muslim dominated, are cleaner than their counterparts in other Indian states. It is no wonder that the people continue to live there.

PURA, a new concept, has barely been taken up by the authorities. When the urban areas themselves have poor infrastructure, it is hardly surprising that rural areas continue to experience infrastructural neglect. Nevertheless, the villagers in Assam seem to enjoy a better quality of life than their urban counterparts in the same income category. Each household has a bari to produce vegetables, a fishery, a cow or two for milk, and a naamghar samiti to assist if needed. The handloom and handicraft sector in Assam is one of the strongest in the country, thanks to this Gurujana who was supposed to be an excellent weaver himself (his Brindaboni Bastra in the British Museum is an example). Finally, there are the xatras (communes) started by his disciples to organize the people in all aspects of life, their influence being noticeable even today.

 

There are other states in India with a large rural economy. What is perhaps unusual is that nowhere else in India is the bond between the rural and urban areas so strong. Most households in the urban areas still keep their rural connection intact. Cultural festivals like Bihu which are rural in nature entice people to visit their villages at least twice a year. This has implications for development of the state.

There is a common saying that the Assamese people are emotionally attached to their place of origin. In the past, few Assamese would go out of the state for studies as well as jobs. Assam is a land known for the lahe lahe (slow) culture and, therefore, Assamese prefer to work and stay at home. The trend has changed somewhat with more students going to study outside and even preferring to stay there. Another notable feature is that of Assamese youth joining the service sector. And here, though the flow is from the villages to the towns outside the state, the Census probably counts them as a member of the family still residing in the village. This may in part explain why the rural population is so large in Assam.

 

Geographically, Assam is a narrow area lying on both sides of the Brahmaputra River. There are two hill districts on the southern bank of the river. The Barak Valley, with its own economy and culture, is the third distinct region. It is worth noting that with many small towns located on both banks of the river at regular intervals, almost all the rural areas in Assam lie close to a town. There are historical reasons for this pattern – the British wanted to take the raw materials out from Assam and hence encouraged the development of these towns, most of which were earlier developed by the Ahom kings as administrative centres. The Second World War saw many such towns acquire airports, giving Assam the highest concentration of airports in any state in India.

Guwahati is the only city in Assam with a population of close to a million people, although during the day, unofficially, the number goes up to around 1.5 million. But there are also a large number of small urban centres like Dhubri, Goalpara, Bongaigaon, Nowgong, Lumding, Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Jorhat, Tezpur, Mangaldoi, Lakhimpur, Nalbari and Barpeta which are dispersed almost evenly in the state. In all these towns the difference between the day time and night population is marked, such that some of them appear like ghost towns during the night. Given the new connectivity with the towns, especially through better roads and train services, the rural folk can finish off work and leave for home even late in the evening. As a result, the growth of urbanization in Assam may remain slow.

A combination of pressure on land, which is known for its fertility, close proximity of the villages to the towns, and the strong cultural bond between the villages and towns seem to make for a different economic structure not seen in other parts of India. First, the average holding is 1.5 hectares and more than 83% of the farmers are small and marginal. Erosion by the Brahmaputra and its tributaries has been reducing cultivable land by thousands of hectares annually. In Assam, implementation of the land ceiling laws has been poor and absentee landlordism is still prevalent. A large number of families have establishments in both towns as well as villages with very strong links being maintained because of the physiographical (distance, fertile soil etc.), and socio-cultural factors.

 

These generalizations about Assam need to be moderated by looking into a wide diversity not seen in other states. Assam, which has been made to shrink almost every decade, still faces the prospects of further division because of the concentration of large ethnically homogenous groups, some of whom have been granted special status in terms of autonomous councils. For example, the two hill districts, namely Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao, though dominated by hill tribes like the Karbis and the Dimasas, are also home to numerous smaller ethnic groups. In Assam, it is common to use the term ‘Assamese dominated / mainstream Assamese / ethnic Assamese’ districts for those districts which have a large caste Hindu and Assamese Muslim population. These districts are Nalbari, Kamrup, Jorhat, Sibsagar, Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Golaghat, Sonitpur, Darrang, Lakhimpur and Dhemaji. The urban population, is not significantly high here, and the standard of living is much better when compared to the rural population in other parts of India. Almost all these districts have a majority Hindu population.

The two hill districts run by Autonomous Councils are both poor and although the per capita income in Dima Hasao is high, it may not reflect the actual condition. A few families control the economy, and income distribution is very lopsided. These districts have low literacy rates as also low activity in the secondary and tertiary sectors, resulting in significant unemployment and unrest. Nevertheless, due to the joint family system and community support, most people prefer to live in the rural areas. The BTAD area, which too is administered by an autonomous council, is made up of four districts with substantial concentration of Bodo population. These are predominantly rural districts (rural population being more than 96%, Census 2011) with hardly any secondary activity other than handloom and handicraft. Expectedly, the backwardness index is also very high in these districts – all of them are in the top ten in terms of backwardness.

The Barak Valley has three districts with Bengali speaking population, with Hailakandi and Karimganj having a majority Muslim population. Cachar is a better-off district in this valley, but here too the primary sector is large. Silchar is the biggest town here and average rural population in this area is 89%. Connectivity to this area is poor today as compared to pre-partition days, although there might be a major boost if the Indo-Bangladesh relationship improves. It might also give a fillip to industrialization and urbanization.

 

A large chunk of the population in the state belongs to the tea community numbering about six to seven million people today. Their ancestors were brought in as indentured labour from the Chotanagpur plateau and other tribal areas of central India. Most of them are still absorbed in the tea gardens, although an increasing number now seek employment outside. Outside the gardens, most of them live in small pockets with few facilities and small land holdings.

The third big group consists of ‘immigrants’ from Bangladesh (Bengali Muslim migrants) who normally settle in areas away from previous settlements, especially in the riverine areas and islands. Most were settled in areas with a potential for farming such as Nowgong, Darrang and Morigaon in the heart of Assam. ‘Illegal’ migration, however, continued even after the Partition, such that in districts close to the Bangladesh border, there are many such settlers who are indistinguishable from the local population. The debate over the number of immigrants in the state has been ongoing for almost 35 years now. Since there is encroachment of land, occasional clashes are being witnessed.

 

The proportion of rural population in these districts is very high. Also, perhaps because of the difficulty in identifying the ‘immigrant’ population, there has been a reluctance to invest in the development of these areas even though they are believed to constitute large vote banks. Similarly, it will require a major effort to provide electricity, roads or drinking water to the population located on islands in the Brahmaputra. Since there are few public institutions like schools, the people find it difficult to get government employment or private jobs requiring some education, though one now finds a large number of youth getting into different services. Nevertheless, unskilled workers are abundant in these pockets. Of late, however, because of the huge construction activities in the state, demand for their labour has increased.

It is also noticed that because of an increased demand for labour and better organization of the workforce, their bargaining power has gone up. Nevertheless, they lack the income to settle in the urban areas, though many have settled on the outskirts and in the green belts, especially around Guwahati. Without some effort to identify genuine citizens and their settlements, they will always remain on the margins, forced to live in peripheral areas.

 

In other smaller towns too, the numbers of this ‘minority’ population have gone up. While economically there is a demand for their labour, socially and politically there is an outcry against their settling in the state. Their settlements have given rise to another problem – increasing incidence of floods since the flood plains are being cultivated. But the production of vegetables, fish, eggs, etc. significantly contributes to the state coffers. Thus, new rural pockets are being created out of nowhere. While the urban population is slowly increasing due to migration from rural areas, the rural population is rising due to a different type of migration.

There is another problem which is common to the poor everywhere – a larger family size. In the areas inhabited by the tea tribes, the immigrants, and in the tribal areas, the population growth rate seems to be higher than the state average. This has led to a skewed rural-urban ratio. It is also reflected in the district-wise population density in Assam. The ‘native’ Assamese districts, which are better-off as mentioned earlier, have a density of around 360 per sq km while the districts experiencing significant immigration have a higher density. The hill districts, though, are sparsely populated. (The average densities are 374 and 68.5 persons per sq km. in the BTAD and Karbi Anglong-Dima Hasao areas respectively. The district of Dhubri near Bangladesh border has a density of 1171.)

If the lack of development of markets was one factor for the slow growth of secondary activities in Assam, the lack of credit facilities is another, indirectly keeping the people close to primary activities. (The credit-deposit ratio in Assam is slightly more than half of that in the country as a whole.) The banking sector is poorly developed in the Northeast including Assam. And within Assam, the three groups mentioned above are the worst off. Tribal areas have community land holdings; tea tribes normally do not own much land; and the Bengali Muslim migrants do not have patta land. It must be noted that Guwahati alone absorbs almost 50% of the credit given in Assam. It is likely that a lack of banking facilities may have something to do with the quality of life in rural areas of these three groups, which is poorer than their counterparts in the districts dominated by ‘ethnic Assamese’ people.

 

Since banking facilities are poor, people are forced to rely on the informal moneylending system, resulting in continuing dependence on small agri-activity or informal trade. The unorganized system of trade and mafia raj ensures that the surplus earned by farmers is meagre in the immigrant dominated areas. In the hill districts, natural resources like bamboo are sold to the paper industry, but the locals do not earn much revenue. Despite an abundance of rubber, pineapple, jackfruit, papaya, citrus fruit and so on, there is little value addition activity. More banking facilities, as well as improved marketing avenues, would result in a greater monetization and modernization of the economy.

The worst-off among the tea communities are those members living outside the tea gardens. Their skills for working in the handloom and handicraft sector, construction industry or agriculture are limited and they are reluctant to venture out. Most of them have little access to good and sizeable land. Exploitation by moneylenders is rampant. The areas where they are living in small groups will need better intervention to organize them and provide facilities at the same level as in the mainstream Assamese villages.

 

In conclusion, one can argue that the high percentage of rural population in Assam can be explained in terms of both economic and non-economic factors. While predominance of the primary sector is one important economic factor, the influence of Gurujana Sankardeva and Azan Fakir on the rural lives in Assam is marked. Going into some details within Assam, it is seen that the tea community and the immigrant population are confined to the rural areas for one set of reasons while the tribal Assamese population in the hill districts live in rural surroundings for some other reasons. Given the geographical shape of the state, mainstream Assamese in the Brahmaputra Valley prefer a rural lifestyle even while maintaining urban links. The only large city in Assam, Guwahati, is highly congested while smaller towns are evenly spread throughout the state serviced by a large commuting population from nearby rural areas. These factors, along with a combination of poor urban infrastructure, poor banking facilities and, in relative terms, a better quality of life in rural areas in the mainstream Assamese districts largely explain why, unlike the rest of the country, the state of Assam continues to maintain a rural character.