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THE choice by the ‘still to be named’ political party announced by Arvind Kejriwal and his associates to target Robert Vadra for his alleged improprieties in property transactions has expectedly created a political storm. The son-in-law of the Gandhi family, though not in public life, cannot escape public scrutiny. And if he and his companies have grown at an unusually rapid rate, increasing their net worth manifold in less than three years, it is hardly surprising that in these corruption-obsessed times, most believe that he has been the recipient of undue favours, whether or not his dealings transgress the bounds of law. He, of course, could have been unusually prescient, or lucky, in his investment choices. Few, however, are likely to buy into that explanation.
Of all legitimate businesses, transactions in real estate remain the most opaque. Regulations are routinely flouted and it is near impossible to avoid off-the-books cash dealings. For Robert Vadra, till recently involved only in the brassware business, to choose this domain for wealth enhancement seems particularly unwise. Even less politically explicable was the decision to concentrate his activities in Congress run states – Haryana, Delhi and Rajasthan – and in partnership with a real estate company whose business practices have often raised comment, with much speculation about its ability to acquire so much land, help alter regulations governing land use or obtain environment clearances, all of which involve approvals from state governments. Hardly surprising that in a climate suffused with allegations of corruption and wrongdoing, in particular by the political class, for a member of an important political family with such a history to claim unfair targeting by anti-corruption activists and the media is unlikely to wash.
Nothing, however, condemns Robert Vadra and his business activities more in public perception than the unseemly alacrity with which spokespersons of the Congress Party and senior members of the UPA government have rushed to provide a clean chit to him, and that too without even the rudiments of an enquiry. If, as is claimed, Vadra is a ‘private entity’ engaged in legitimate business, then why are the ministers of finance, corporate affairs and law and justice, whose ministries will have to carry out the enquiries in the event they are deemed necessary, pronouncing ex-ante judgement? Are they not aware that their comments vitiate the chances of a fair investigation into the allegations?
It is true that the allegations against Robert Vadra are at the moment only that, allegations. Condemning him in the absence of a fair and impartial enquiry is not only premature but wrong – and can be read as a witch-hunt. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that stonewalling by the authorities only deepens suspicion that he is receiving such favourable treatment only because of his status as a member the family at the helm of the ruling dispensation.
This entire episode also raises disturbing questions about the conduct of politics in the country. Even as we are witnessing a sharp increase in the politics of innuendo and allegations, eroding faith in institutions and due process, there also seems to be an unstated compact among political parties (and the media) to go soft on some issues and people. So far, our political discourse has avoided talking about the private lives of political leaders or their family members unless, of course, they too happen to be in public life. The Lakshmanrekha of the politically acceptable is now in the process of being redefined. It appears that no one or nothing is beyond scrutiny – the gloves are off.
Is this only a reflection of deepening distrust in the system? If we begin to believe, as indeed many do, that in the main the managers of our ‘democratic republic’ are more interested in feathering their nests, often through questionable means, are not above subverting agencies and institutions under their charge, and thus have lost the legitimacy to govern, then we are indeed on the slippery slope to becoming a banana state.
Even as our political masters – ruling or opposition – can no longer afford to hide behind abstractions of national interest/security, or political morality, the crusaders too need to exercise restraint and judgement and be specific about the charges they are levelling. Overinvesting in a rhetoric suffused with righteous indignation, aided and abetted by sections of the media, while boosting TRPs, does little to aid a process of institutional healing, sorely needed if, as a nation, we have to overcome the current morass. Tapping into the widespread anger and despair about their existential condition amongst people without a sufficiently credible agenda of reforms is a short step to anarchy. Surely that is not the intention of a fledgling movement/party which claims faith in electoral democracy.
Harsh Sethi
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