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HOPES that the second avatar of the Congress-led UPA government would reflect greater political maturity and usher in much needed policy reforms are fast receding as the regime blunders from one mishap to another. Despite being freed of the ostensible ‘blackmail’ pressures by the Left Front, now a much depleted presence in Parliament, and the near meltdown and confusion of the BJP, the ruling coalition seems unable to put its own house in order. It almost appears that the absence of a strong opposition, as also victories in major states like Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Delhi has infused a sense of complacency, if not hubris, in the ruling party. Clearly it has not learnt that political fortunes are fickle and that numbers in the Parliament or state assembly do not necessarily impart strength.

Nothing else explains the consistent mishandling of the political situation in Andhra Pradesh, particularly after the tragic demise of the Chief Minister, Y.S.R. Reddy. The near farcical drama surrounding the election of his successor, in particular the unseemly campaign by party legislators to induct YSRs son, Jaganmohan, to the top slot despite his inexperience, was a clear pointer to the rifts in the party. And though Rosaiah was eventually confirmed as chief minister, it is no secret that the enforced peace was fragile. All it needed was the announcement of a ‘fast unto death’ by Chandrasekhar Rao, the TRS leader who had recently been handed a severe drubbing in the assembly elections, to bring the schism out into the open.

Even though the demand for a separate Telengana has a long history, few observers are of the view that there was a substantial groundswell in favour of bifurcation. Unsurprisingly, when CSR began his fast many dismissed it as yet another desperate move by a discredited politician to boost his sagging fortunes. Not so the state administration which decided to arrest him, shift him to Hyderabad and ensconce him in hospital, all under the gaze of the media.

As news spread about CSRs sinking health, the city suddenly seemed to have been taken over by pro-Telengana protestors. Worse, in an unwarranted show of machismo, protesting students in the Osmania University campus, known for its pro-Telengana sentiments, were brutally lathi charged, adding to the tension. And then, as talk mounted that there would be a bloodbath if the government attempted to block a proposed ‘march on the state assembly’, the Union government panicked.

In a late night move, following hurried conclaves of the Congress core group, the Home Minister announced that the Centre had agreed to initiate the process for the creation of a new state. What till then had appeared a relative non-issue, was now centre-stage. As pro-Telengana forces began celebrating, the proponents of a united Andhra took to the streets, this time raising genuine fears of a clash. The damage had been done, the die cast.

These turn of events have opened up a Pandora’s box, fanning not just pro and anti-Telengana sentiments in the state, but activating dozens of groups and movements demanding a radical re-drawing of internal boundaries across the country, from Bodoland and Gorkhaland in the East to Vidarbha and Maru Pradesh in the West. Subsequent attempts by the Union government to fudge the issue and buy time, claiming that Telengana will be considered only following a resolution to this effect by the Andhra legislature have cut little ice, as scores of MLAs, many from the ruling Congress, have submitted their resignation from the House, further deepening the deadlock.

If one ever desired a textbook case of how not to handle an issue, this is it. It bears reiteration that while the demand for a separate Telengana has long existed, it has so far never managed to generate sufficient political support. Claims to cultural pride or regional neglect too have left cold the many expert groups tasked to examine the demand. Equally, assertions that smaller states will necessarily lead to better governance remain specious, more so since such moves are rarely accompanied by any attempt to reorient the structures and processes of governance. And, finally, regional elites are as reluctant to genuinely decentralize and empower grassroots institutions, substantially eroding the moral basis of claims to self-governance.

But, should we be surprised? Given that all our political parties, and not just the Congress, seem afflicted by terminal decay, with a leadership and structures ill-equipped to read the mood and aspiration of their members, far less the citizenry, expecting them to rise above their petty self-interest and creatively respond to the needs of the times seems overly optimistic. Hopefully, crisis like the one posed by Telengana may finally force our political leaders to turn the gaze inwards, and begin a process of rectification.

Harsh Sethi